Prince Reza Pahlavi's extended 60 Minutes interview

60 minutes overtime. What does the death of the Ayatollah mean? It is definitely a sort of

Ayatollah mean? It is definitely a sort of earth-shattering event in the sense that when people identify the entire monstrosity of the regime that is depicted ultimately by the chief monster of these monsters, when he's gone, the minute such a personality disappears, it's like elation. Oh my God, it has

finally occurred. Maybe this is it. This is our chance now. You call him a

finally occurred. Maybe this is it. This is our chance now. You call him a monster. What do you mean? Well, I mean, ever since this regime has taken over,

monster. What do you mean? Well, I mean, ever since this regime has taken over, how many Iranians' lives have been lost? I don't think you can have an example of such level of atrocity ever in the history of Iran or at least contemporary Iran that has occurred under this regime. And this is all because of Ali Khamenei's insistence and persistence to keep himself and his mafia regime in power at the expense

of the Iranian people. I don't know how else can you depict it other than being true monsters in the real sense of the word. This is video overnight.

after the announcement of the death of the Ayatollah in the city of Isfahan. What does that mean to you? That means that

Isfahan. What does that mean to you? That means that finally we are ready to go back to the streets, even though I've cautioned them that for now, you better take care of your own safety and stay at home.

The time will come to go back on the streets. But then again, you see that despite that, people still are brave enough to say to hell with it. Because

to us, it's liberation. To us, it's like, a humanitarian intervention to protect lives that could otherwise continue to be lost. It gives the Iranian people a real opportunity now when they see the end of this regime that was always bound to collapse. Whether

there was an intervention or not, I want to make sure your audience understand that.

We were prepared to fight the fight. There was too much blood between us and this regime. We were committed to fight regardless of outside intervention. They're thanking President

this regime. We were committed to fight regardless of outside intervention. They're thanking President Trump for actually standing on his word and acting upon his word. Do you actually believe this regime could fall after almost 50 years? Of course. Look, I think there are many world leaders who are beginning to say in plain and simple terms, this

regime has lost complete legitimacy, particularly in the aftermath of this massacre. They should have said it back from the very inception of this regime. And for all this time, for all these years that we, and myself included, have been waging a campaign against this regime, saying this religious dictatorship is there to export an ideology, a virulent

extremist ideology, at the expense of our people, when they started immediately chasing people away, they just started immediately being antagonistic or discriminating towards our ethnic groups, our religious minorities, all who had to take flight from Iran, and all these years. And the world kept on appeasing the regime,

kept on insisting that maybe we should lead them to a change of behavior, while Iranians kept seeing time after time a vicious circle of the same old, same old, pretty much trying to pretend they're different for one another, but at the end representing the same regime. Now that we are 46 years and counting later, they say, finally, the end is near. You know, the same thing was said at the time about

apartheid in South Africa. It was the same thing we heard at the time of the Soviet Union. But nobody in Czechoslovakia or in Poland or in South Africa gave up. And they had their moments, and our Berlin Wall moment in that

up. And they had their moments, and our Berlin Wall moment in that sense has finally arrived. And this is because today we see that more and more governments are realizing that it is no use expecting this regime to be any different than what it actually is. And instead of thinking, that our solution is to find a way to negotiate with this regime. We better invest on the Iranian people as

the alternative, because they, especially important to the American audience, unlike this regime that from the very same day tried to poison and brainwash young Iranians to chant death to America or death to Israel, the Iranian people are friends of America and will be friends again. This regime detached us, but once we are

liberated, I think everybody will also see how different Iran would be and what kind of element it would have to contribute to the world. After the death of the Ayatollah this morning, the regime said that new leaders had been put in place and the government continues as before. Well, of course, they will say that. But I think they are like trembling, you know, once like, you know, the whole pass of cards

ultimately crumbles. I mean, Khamenei. was not just acting alone. He had a whole

ultimately crumbles. I mean, Khamenei. was not just acting alone. He had a whole system that embodied him. His death doesn't represent just the death of one singular person.

It's not like Saddam Hussein dying or Gaddafi dying. This is really a system on the verge of collapse. As a last desperate measure, they thought that by cutting off Iran from the rest of the world and in the darkness of night, wage war against their own citizenry and that they could plausibly that they will still survive as a result of that? I think they seal their

doom by their own act. But what's important, and I go back to your first question, of how Iranians are not celebrating because now they think they have an actual chance to succeed. Until now, they said, we are defenseless, we are unarmed vis-a-vis this brutality of the regime. How could we possibly liberate ourselves? And that's when the cavalry

arrives. It's almost like D-Day for us. Now the playing field has been equalized.

arrives. It's almost like D-Day for us. Now the playing field has been equalized.

At least we have a real chance now to succeed and take back to the streets and ultimately take the country over. But what chance do the civilians have against 150,000 hardened Revolutionary Guard troops? Don't assume that they're all on the same basis. Look, the very top echelon of the IRGC may be

having vested interest in surviving because they benefit financially or economically by this symbiosis they have with the establishment. But understand that the core of these elements that are from certain ranks and below are not participating in that piece of the pie. In fact, some of them have to work secondary jobs because their paycheck is not enough for them to feed their family at the end of

the day. How long do you think ideologically They'll be committed to a system that

the day. How long do you think ideologically They'll be committed to a system that has been rejected by the people. They know that. Some of their own kids are on the straight protesting against the regime. How far could that be tenable? It's like

the end of every totalitarian system. There will be a moment that will start thinking, is it worthwhile for us to continue sustaining this regime, especially when we offer them a way out, an exit strategy? And I've been taking this position from the very beginning. Anyone, whether civilian, or part of the military,

paramilitary infrastructure that don't have the blood of the people on their hand should be able to survive and will survive regime change. Let them be part of the solution.

Let them join with the people. And I've launched this campaign in recent months of maximum defection by allowing them to indicate their willingness to part with the regime and basically not sink with this ship that is sinking and have an opportunity for themselves and their own future and their own family's future.

That's part of our solution to go out of this regime, smoothen the path to a stable transition, and maximize the number of people who can be part of the solution. Wait a minute. You're offering amnesty, essentially, to security forces

solution. Wait a minute. You're offering amnesty, essentially, to security forces in Iran? Okay, let me put it this way. At the end of the Second

in Iran? Okay, let me put it this way. At the end of the Second World War, we did have the Nuremberg trial for some reason. Those who were criminally implicated in supporting that attitude had to have their day in court. And I think those who are responsible for these crimes will have to have their day in court.

But our legal experts are now studying various methods and models of what will be the best way of dealing with the problem or the remnants of the system. We're

looking at transitional justice. We're looking at truth and reconciliation, what happened in South Africa and another example. So what's the best way of dealing with that aspect? And people

have to have the right to bring about their grievances. So many families that were victims of this regime, so many grieving mothers, so many students that were arrested and tortured and executed, the political prisoners. There are so many examples where justice has to be served. But by the same token, I think any human being understands that you

be served. But by the same token, I think any human being understands that you can reduce that period of time by creating a maximum possibility of national reconciliation and amnesty when it warrants itself. We cannot deny people the right to seek justice, but we also have to be sensible of what's the best way in the best interests of the nation to make sure we can smoothen this process. In some

cases, amnesty may be necessary. Do you have information from inside the country today that there are some security forces who are willing to switch sides? Absolutely. In fact,

many have reached out, and we are in touch with them, and we are assessing their roles of where they can be and where they could play. We have seen many cases, as I mentioned to you earlier, that there were many elements that the regime was hoping to count on that refused to carry out order to crack down on people. to the point that the regime had to import over 5,000 elements from

on people. to the point that the regime had to import over 5,000 elements from outside of Iran to do the dirty job in the last few weeks. They came

from Afghanistan. They came from Iraq. They came from Lebanon. They were not even Iranian citizens. And that shows, again, to what extent the regime is incapable of

citizens. And that shows, again, to what extent the regime is incapable of counting and relying on their own forces that they have to now bring people from the outside. This is all in the direction of the regime being nearer and nearer

the outside. This is all in the direction of the regime being nearer and nearer to the collapse. And now that there will be— heavily hit, and I think this campaign still goes on, I think we will see tremendous amount of devastating blow to the regime's apparatus of full control and that kind of, you know, totalitarian

attitude they've had. And in fact, it will be a clear indication that this is the time for them to make a decision. Do you want to join this time with the people, or do you want to stand with the sinking ship? It's possible

that this interview will penetrate the internet blackout, and I I wonder what you say to the Iranian people. Have faith in yourselves. You are a nation with an ancient civilization. I know how proud you are of your heritage, how important Iran is

ancient civilization. I know how proud you are of your heritage, how important Iran is to all of them. And I always said to them, I said, you know what?

I know you're always hoping for a better future. What I would like you to start doing, and I've started to answer my call, is instead of hoping, start believing that it can be done. We have what it takes. We have the most amazing, gifted, intelligent, bright minds within Iran that can do it. We have the

best opportunities for natural resources. Just imagine on the scale of bringing Iran on par to be the most coveted tourist destination. Forget about oil and gas. Just that industry alone could be the backbone of our economy. And Iran is

gas. Just that industry alone could be the backbone of our economy. And Iran is ready for it. Iran is the most beautiful Yes, we have culture. Yes, we have poetry. Yes, we have good food. But it's such an attractive place not to be

poetry. Yes, we have good food. But it's such an attractive place not to be missed. And we can be a country back on track, but people will almost to

missed. And we can be a country back on track, but people will almost to a point of envying us because we're so full of capability and talents. We don't

know to go. We have to unleash all of that. And the best guarantee of maximum impact for ourselves is to be absolutely guaranteed the very same liberties that many Americans are taking for granted. And it's ironic that one of the components of the American Constitution is actually based on what was the principle coined by Cyrus

the Great 25 centuries ago. Jefferson took note of that. So this is a nation that gave the free world the anchor principles of human rights.

And guess what? If we were the first inventors of it, We should start benefiting from those same values. I think we deserve better than this clerical dictatorship. That's why

you need to be on the right side of history. That's why you need to be able to help the Iranian people liberate themselves, and we will. And guess what?

When D-Day occurred and the Allies landed on the beaches of Normandy and ultimately put an end to the Nazi Third Reich fascist regime, that if it had survived, would have changed the course of history. The disappearance of this regime is exactly the same way the course of history is about to

change. Iranians know that. I think many Americans need to understand that even more,

change. Iranians know that. I think many Americans need to understand that even more, and then it will be such a better world. And most importantly, Iranians will finally be able to say, guess what? We did it. Liberty is now at home. Equality

is now at home. discrimination has ended. We cannot practice our faith freely. We don't

have to worry about our ideology or being somebody on the left or on the right. We don't have to worry about discrimination against ethnic groups or religious minorities or

right. We don't have to worry about discrimination against ethnic groups or religious minorities or the LGBT community or what have you. All of that is incorporated in that. And

yes, I think we are this close to it. Now that the cavalry has arrived, And the essence of the regime means of keeping us from liberating ourselves has been severely damaged and hopefully be totally decimated as a result of the current campaign.

I think that horizon is so near, I can even smell it and taste it as of now. Not just me, millions of Iranians. Has the Trump administration been in touch with you since the war began? We have had some level of communications recently, and of course, as the situation is unfolding. I think it is very important, especially now that we have to anticipate what happens next and what could happen when the

regime collapses during the transition. I've been talking to the administration. I'm also talking at Congress level. In fact, we have many people who have been hearing what has been suggested to them. I just spoke today with Senator Lindsey Graham, who is a big advocate of having perhaps a bipartisan council of people

who will hear better exactly how we propose the transition. I think that's important for the American legislation as well as the executive to understand, but also I think the American business community and ultimately the American citizens. What's in

it for them at the end of the day? How does it impact them? In

what way would that be beneficial also for American, not just security interests, but also even economical interests. All of this is at play. And I think we will be able to address all of that in the transition process and how it will ultimately pan out. And to your point, what is in it for the American people? Well,

pan out. And to your point, what is in it for the American people? Well,

a different Iran means that the people of Iran, unlike this regime, that from day one led them to chant death to America or death to Israel, are friends of America. Let me take you back to 2001 on 9-11. When that

America. Let me take you back to 2001 on 9-11. When that

sinister day occurred, and oddly enough, many of the countries that are supposedly the friends or allies of the United States had people on their streets celebrate the terrorist attack. The only country in which people stood in candlelight vigil in sympathy for the victims of 9-11 were no other than the people

of Iran themselves, inside Iran. But this regime, from the very beginning has been responsible for everything that America had to start paying a price for. Going all the way back from when hostages were taken in the American embassy or the barracks in Beirut were attacked and Marines lost their lives, from the very first time, the regime

waged war against America while the Iranian people were taken hostages by this very same regime. What it is for America is a nation that, unlike this regime, would love

regime. What it is for America is a nation that, unlike this regime, would love to be friends to America and its allies, by the way, whether it's Israel or the Arab world. Unlike this regime, we are friends, we are neighbors, we want to have an element of stability. Unlike this regime that forces you to deploy

your military in the Persian Gulf, we will stabilize the area so the American taxpayer doesn't have to worry about funding long campaigns or committing their troops on foreign soil.

We will do that part. And then what's it for you from an economic aspect?

For 50 years, America has been deprived of the Iranian market. The Iranian market alone stands to be directly impacting the American economy by creating perhaps in the first 10 to 15 years over a trillion dollars revenue for America.

And what it would mean by investors who are willing to invest billions of dollars into the Iranian economy, vice versa, many of them are American corporations and businesses. It will be a totally different world. You win on every ground. First of

businesses. It will be a totally different world. You win on every ground. First of

all, you eliminate everything that is a matter of national security for America, whether it's the nuclear threat, terrorism, radicalism, proxies in the region, having to protect your allies. That's one thing that you can't cross off the map that will disappear immediately.

allies. That's one thing that you can't cross off the map that will disappear immediately.

the minute this regime goes. And instead, what do you have? Instead, you have a country that is committed to regional stability and cooperation with its neighbors and opens the door for economic prosperity. It's good for us. It's good for America. It's a win-win.

What is your message to President Trump? My message to President Trump is that I'm here to echo and join millions of my compatriots inside and outside of Iran to thank him for having done and having the courage to do what is not easy, but intervene. And he will go down in the annals of Iranian history as the

but intervene. And he will go down in the annals of Iranian history as the most celebrated foreign leader that changed the ballgame and changed the world as a result.

In January, President Trump said this about you, quote, he seems very nice. but I don't know how he'd play within his own country. I

don't know whether or not his country would accept his leadership. And certainly if they would, that would be fine with me." You don't seem to have President Trump's wholehearted support. Well, first of all, I don't think that somebody in my position will ever expect to have an official endorsement of a foreign government or a foreign

leader. What I do know now is that millions of Iranians inside Iran and outside

leader. What I do know now is that millions of Iranians inside Iran and outside of Iran are calling my name. They recognize in me the person uniquely placed to play a role of transitional leadership. Not running for office, because that's not what I'm doing, but to be a bridge to that destiny. Someone who can have support of

millions of people, someone who can bring the military to support him, somebody who has an actual plan, and somebody who has unified the opposition in the most diverse way so we can work together towards that common agenda. I have done that, and I think that should be the measure by which world leaders can see whether or not that will be effective. And I think we'll soon see, as this thing pans out,

what kind of traction it has, and ultimately respect whatever it is that the Iranian people at the end will decide. That's what I've been committed to from day one.

From day one, I said my only mission in life is to see the day that the people of Iran will have an opportunity by means of free and fair elections to decide their own future and choose their future leaders. I'm here to bring them to that point. And then, as I said at the end of that process, whatever transitional government have formed and will form, will hand over control to the elected

first parliament of this new secular democracy we're working for and ultimately the first government that will be elected. Whether they choose you or not? As I said, I'm not running for office. But I think the Iranian people trust me in the sense that they know that my track record proves it, that I've always been faithful to my

principles. I've never been part of this regime. I think that says a lot in

principles. I've never been part of this regime. I think that says a lot in terms of people knowing that anybody associated with this regime is not to be trusted, and I represent in some aspect that. They know that I'm a Democrat. They know

that I'm not advocating for one outcome or the other. But I believe that we need to do this in the widest array of like-minded secular Democrats that may be differing in opinion as to the final form it should take. But today we are all engaged on the same path of liberation. You don't want to be king? I'm

not running for office. I'm not. Are you saying in this interview that you wouldn't lead Iran? That's a different thing. They trust me as a transitional leader, not as the future king or future president or future whatever.

I'm totally focused on my mission in life, which is let me bring the country to a point that they can make that free choice. That would be enough for me having said mission accomplished. What are the principles on which you would build a new Iran? Okay. So I think what today unites us Our four core principles that I think is the subject of how we can work

together towards that end. Number one is Iran's territorial integrity. Number two is the clear separation of religion from state, which is a prerequisite to democracy, and we paid the price understanding what it means to live under a religious dictatorship. Number three is, of course, equality of all citizens under the law and individual liberties. And most importantly, the

democratic process to allow the people to elect and decide what their future system of governance should be. So that's the transition phase. But my vision of tomorrow is an Iran that obviously gets back on the path of progress and modernity. I think

it's a country that will have all the necessary institutions strengthened to protect our democracy and not waver from it. That means a true checks and balance system. That

means a strong civil society. That means everything that advocates to protect people's rights, whether it's media, whether it is labor union or anything else. But beyond that, to have a roadmap to Iran's prosperity, which is exactly why It's been over two years now that I gathered a number of our best experts to work on a project

that we call Iran Prosperity Project. And that project has three phases. One is short term, the first 100 days, how we manage this transition. The midterm, which is anywhere from six months to the next two years. And then long term, how can we, in fact, have a strategy that addresses every area of need that Iran needs to

have, from infrastructure to health issues, to education, to environmental issues, and so on and so forth. In fact, the conversation I had today with Senator Graham was to be able to present that so that lawmakers and the American business community understand in what way does that pan, how will it impact Iran, and

where and which part of it could be of interest. And I'm not just talking to the American side, of course. I've been talking about this in Europe as well.

I think it's important for the world to understand that Iran is a country that can be, first of all, the most attractive, untapped area to invest in. But why is it important? Because as it creates more economic

invest in. But why is it important? Because as it creates more economic benefit for them, it also helps Iran be an anchor state that stabilizes the whole region. That's why it was before the revolution. We didn't have any problem with our

region. That's why it was before the revolution. We didn't have any problem with our Arab neighbors or in fact with Israel or any of the rest of them. And

let's not forget that at the time we were in a sort of like a Cold War scenario. So I think Iran can play a huge role in bringing about that stability and the opportunity for the Iranian people at the end of the day, which is always my first priority. How does it help Iran be back on the track of progress and welfare? You imagine peace with Israel. Of course.

In modern history, Iran actually gave refuge to Jews that were escaping the Nazis during the Second World War, giving them refuge and sanctuary in Iran. The strategic importance of having a partnership with Israel is critical. What would happen to the nuclear weapons program? I think it should be totally dismantled. I don't think Iran has any need

program? I think it should be totally dismantled. I don't think Iran has any need to pursue a military weaponizing of the nuclear program. I think we should even have a more serious look as to whether in the future we need to go in that direction. But that's for certain. I think Iran is a country that signed the

that direction. But that's for certain. I think Iran is a country that signed the NPT way back when we were committed to that. The Non-Proliferation Treaty. Exactly. And the

reason that that happened is because when at the time we were considering whether or not we should have nuclear reactors to produce electricity, and the two Boucher reactors were supposed to be the first two ones come online, and it was supposed to be—the nuclear rods for that was supposed to be provided by a consortium as a result.

That's what at the time was considered. This regime all over a thousand steps in decides to go in that direction. From day one, it created a certain degree of distrust. And that's why we are here today as a result of that non-transparency

of distrust. And that's why we are here today as a result of that non-transparency or non-compliance or basically being disingenuous in their true intentions. And I don't think Iran is necessarily in an advantage of developing nuclear weapons because guess what? Everybody else in the region will commit the same thing. And at the end of the day, what's the point? I think we should Stand down from it. I think Iran will definitely

the point? I think we should Stand down from it. I think Iran will definitely prove to our neighbors that we're not here to be belligerent. On the contrary, I hope we can make sure that that region is free of nuclear weapons, and we'll see what happens next. But I think we will start proving, unlike this regime, that we have no intentions of doing that. And I think the majority of Iranians know

that we don't need to have that in order to argue in the name of, you know, national defense or security. So you're pledging no nuclear weapons. I

will tell you that part of our IPP project explains the reason why we should have an immediate stoppage and dismantlement of it. Because I believe that—and that's, of course, my personal opinion, and I think it's been backed by many Iranians who have contributed to this line of thinking. Look, the first element that we have to overcome is

the amount of distrust that this regime has caused as a result of its opacity and non-compliance from the IAEA inspectors all the way to the international community that is now imposing the kind of sanctions on Iran because of not just that issue, but among others, this issue. And who is paying the price at the end of the

day? It's Iranian people. If you want to be able to immediately bring back the

day? It's Iranian people. If you want to be able to immediately bring back the country on par, if you want to be able to immediately have relief from all the economic sanctions imposed on this regime, if we have to be able to have frozen assets given at the disposal of the transitional government. I think one of the ask and one of the expectation is, well, what about that part? And the foremost

on my mind is the immediate impact it can have on the livelihood of the Iranian people. We have to eliminate any doubt that remains in the world about Iran's

Iranian people. We have to eliminate any doubt that remains in the world about Iran's position on the issue. I think that's one of the elephants in the room that needs to be addressed, and that's why I'm committed to it, and I believe it's important. for Iranians to understand that will benefit far more. by having all

important. for Iranians to understand that will benefit far more. by having all other forms of security assurances than having to build our own military arsenal that is not conducive to anything at the end of the day. We can certainly be back on track as we were and had the best military, non-nuclear military in the world as Iran was and had no issue to be concerned about our defense because nobody

at the time dared to attack Iran. Saddam Hussein attacked Iran only after the regime took over. So to eliminate ambiguity, no nuclear That's your position? That's absolutely my position, yes. But again, the choice ultimately is Iranian parliament and the future governments. I'm not there to make policy. I'm just offering you what I think is the best interest of my nation, and that's my personal position.

But it's not my ultimate decision. But as long as during the transition period we can reverse that cycle, And as long as it is a point that I would drive across, that's definitely an issue that I will address and I believe in and I will tell the whole world, including the Iranian people, that that's part of what I think is critical for us to gain back the trust of the international community

and in the best interest of Iran itself. So our neighbors know that we are no longer a threat to anyone, and that is dismantling completely the nuclear military program.

What would happen to the enriched uranium that's already stockpiled? Hopefully it has to be recuperated for it not to fall in the wrong hands. So we have to cooperate as much as possible with whatever it is that we can safely store it. Stored in Iran? I don't think that would be the best solution. I'm

store it. Stored in Iran? I don't think that would be the best solution. I'm

concerned about having several thousands of years of degradation of the nuclear material. If somebody else is willing to take it away, better for us so

nuclear material. If somebody else is willing to take it away, better for us so we don't have to worry about any unforeseen problem down the line. You, in this interview, have several times talked about being a transitionary figure to something else.

Are you saying that you wouldn't want to be the leader of Iran, that you wouldn't run for president? Look, I'm 65 years old. Best case

scenario, this happens over the next two or three years. By the time there's anybody out there who says, OK, should we give him a more extended role to play post this transition? Many people may be asking for it. I really

am unable to, in all honesty, answer that question to you right now. My first

inclination is probably not because I think I would have done my job already. And

I really feel more like being a father of the nation, more than being at the helm of governance. You know, it touches me a lot. Maybe there's

something about my personal life that goes into this that most people may not necessarily assume at the first place. A lot of people throughout my life has been coming to me, the age of my parents. But I've been saying, you know what, the day you were born was the most significant day in our lives.

And we celebrated your arrival. You were our adopted child. You were not just the son of your father or mother. And now at this age, I have today's Gen Z that call me father. Gen Z. The Gen Z of Iran. They call

me father. And that's the best title you can hope for. You don't need to have a crown on your head or an official title. What could be more gratifying than to be a father to the nation, to be the one who says, I look at all my children without any formal preferences. I'm there to support you.

I'm there to be your shoulder you can cry on. And they have. When I

was in Munich a few months ago, when we had that gathering of diverse Iranians committed to our national platform of liberation. There were mothers of slain people who were there crying on my shoulder. There were young kids who were there, who were shot in the eye during the Women's Life Freedom Movement

in Iran, who were there. And they were all saying, you know, you're like a father to us. What more could you ask for? And if you ask me, is that more important or being in a position of governance? Of course the answer is, you know, it's so clear. I'm not seeking power. I'm not even interested in power. What I'm interested in is to be the best possible

father to everyone that reconciles a nation, that makes them understand that we can all live under the same roof. We can agree to disagree. We believe in pluralism. We

believe in intolerance, we respect one another, and we defend our collective interests under the rule of law. That's what I've signed up for. That is

my track record. And that is what million people today ask me to intervene. And,

you know, they may not agree with a future role for me, and that's fine.

But they do agree that I can play this role for them. And that's exactly what I'm doing. Your father's reign is remembered for repression, and opulent wealth. And I wonder why you believe the people would welcome you now. Well, you know, that's perhaps one narrative. But when you look at

a lot of people who were at the time living that era, they were telling me, you know what? We recognize where we were and where we are now. And

today we want to be with you. We support you. We back you. And there

were people who were in those so-called prisons that were notorious or repressive or whatever you call it, they were imprisoned under the previous regime. People were killed in your father's regime. Look, look, my father left Iran voluntarily to

father's regime. Look, look, my father left Iran voluntarily to avoid bloodshed. And he said, he said, I'm a king. A king

avoid bloodshed. And he said, he said, I'm a king. A king

doesn't build his throne on the blood of his own people. If the nation today wants me out, I would leave. I will not turn my guns on them. You

have been out of the country for nearly 50 years. Why would the people want you? If they thought that was an issue, I don't think they'll be calling my

you? If they thought that was an issue, I don't think they'll be calling my name by the millions on the streets of Iran. I think that part of the reason people trust me only is because they cannot associate me in any way or form to the revolution or to be part of this regime. The very same people who today are in the streets, all the young kids that are getting shot and

massacred by this regime, are a generation that turns to their parents and tell them, what the hell were you thinking? What was that madness to think that this Khomeini character is going to be our solution and our path to freedom?

And look at where we are now. But from the day I left, I never left Iran. Iran had been on my mind every single year of my

left Iran. Iran had been on my mind every single year of my life, every single. When I wake up in the morning, the first thing that my mind is Iran. I could have easily said, you know what, to hell with you.

That's what you did to my family. I could go out there, pursue a career, become a successful entrepreneur, live a much better life, away from threats, away from assassination plots or what have you, and mind my own business. But I couldn't do that. I couldn't do that because from the very first time that my

that. I couldn't do that because from the very first time that my father had just passed away, this is like July 27th of 1980, and Saddam Hussein decides to attack Iran on September 15th. And three

weeks later, I sent this message to the Iranian armed forces that I'm ready to step in from Cairo, flying to Iran as a fighter pilot to join my fellow Air Force pilots in the war against Saddam Hussein to protect our country, knowing full well that Khomeini is now the supreme leader of this new regime.

But my first duty as a patriot was to serve my nation. I was prepared to sacrifice my life and still do to this day to preserve my country, to protect it, and to be in that course. That has been a lifetime commitment.

And I don't think geographical separation should be used as an excuse to disqualify me.

On the contrary, I think they see that despite that separation, I've always been there.

They followed me. They followed everything that I said. Back then, we didn't have the internet. We didn't have the ability to FaceTime on WhatsApp or send each other text

internet. We didn't have the ability to FaceTime on WhatsApp or send each other text messages or have an Instagram or a Twitter account. Today, we do. And people were able to follow. And today, when you look at it, They go back and they do research, they do their own due diligence. They compare the first messages that I recorded or the first interviews I had back in the early 80s. And they see

that what I've been saying 45 years ago is the exact same thing that I'm saying today to you and others. And that I think is something that ultimately says, you know, does he get it? Is he on the same page?

I think they get that. They see that. They see that, you know, I've always been there. And I always said, I said, you know, if you turn your back

been there. And I always said, I said, you know, if you turn your back on me, I will never turn my back on you. And I think that's how today they look at me and my role. That's why they think that I'm the only person qualified to do this role. Because many people have wavered. Many people have changed their tune. Many people were, I guess, trying to show up to the plate

and be opportunist. I was never that and I will never will. But I've always been there to serve and at the end they get to decide their future leadership.

I said, I don't want you to pick me to be your future ruler. I'm

just here to make sure that you get to make that choice once and for all and for the first time in our history. Not blame it on anything else but your own free choice. And that's what makes them have full confidence in my abilities, not being away from my country for 47 years. At what point do you return? If I could do, I would take the next flight tomorrow. Although I don't

return? If I could do, I would take the next flight tomorrow. Although I don't think I would conventionally land with an Air France jumbo jet like Khomeini did. Who

knows how I would get back there. But I'm ready to go in there even before the regime completely collapsed. I need to be there with them. I need to make sure that they have that hand to hold or the hand that holds their hand. As I said, you know, this father figure role is critical. But more critically

hand. As I said, you know, this father figure role is critical. But more critically is that I have a plan. More critically is that I have a process whereby we can bring about that change to manage this transition. And I've been working with a team of the most talented experts we have, economists, legal experts, and

others working with people inside Iran who definitely are quite capable but only this regime will not give them the light of day because they're so corrupt and mafia-like that they don't allow even people who actually care for the country to get in any position of influence. That's going to change the minute this regime collapses. I'm

going to bring the best expert to help us rebuild our nation. I'm going to make sure that our civilian bureaucracy is there to manage the transition phase and maintain the country functioning. I want to make sure we bring the best and our brightest experts from the outside to come and help. It's a hybrid approach. We have so many. talented people waiting to step into Iran, the minute the situation changes

many. talented people waiting to step into Iran, the minute the situation changes all the way across the world. And we have so many inside. I've been working with them. I've been communicating with them. We've been planning this in a very serious

with them. I've been communicating with them. We've been planning this in a very serious way. So the minute this regime collapses, we're ready to hit the ground running. What

way. So the minute this regime collapses, we're ready to hit the ground running. What

more are you asking of the United States? I think the United States, and by that, I mean not just the administration, I mean lawmakers, I mean American entrepreneurs, industries, university centers, whoever out there understands how different the world would be with a liberated Iran. To buy stock

in a nation and invest on its people, give the benefit of the doubt that the Iranians, once free, will prove everybody that we are capable of not only redressing the matter for our own interests as a nation, but also what it will mean. Look, you don't have to go very far. Just take the

Iranian diaspora in the United States. One of the most successful diasporas ever since the revolution, highest level of education, so many of them successful leaders in their various capacities, running medical centers, huge companies, just Silicon Valley by itself

and what it represents, so many of them Iranians. I know there are many Americans listening to this program that probably have an Iranian friend that they went to school with or they have a business partnership with or work for them or some that work with them. It's a very palpable thing. I don't even have to make my case anymore as far as America is concerned. All you need to do is to

look at what Iranians in America will say about America and how the relationship between a free Iran and America would be. And I think we are capable of making that case very easily, and we will. When you see the courage on the streets that we're witnessing now, I wonder how that moves you.

I think it's the ultimate definition of heroism. Do you remember that lone Chinese student in Tiananmen Square standing in front of that tank? I remember that image.

Let me give you another visual that has been going viral on the cyberspace. That

firefighter who was carrying a wounded person that was shot on the streets just a few weeks ago, and they shot him to death. That image.

You know, I exemplify that.

It's a tremendous thing to witness.

Sir, thank you very much for your time. I'm very grateful to you. Thank you

very much.